Meldinger om ny hendelse ved Kirti-klosteret i Tibet

Meldinger som har kommet etter en større hendelse nylig ved Kirti-klosteret, Ngaba (Ch: Aba), Amdo (Sichuan). Munker i Kirti-klosteret i Dharamsala har fortalt Voice of Tibet at en ung

munk ved navn Phuntsok satt fyr på kroppen sin og ropte slagord. Brannen ble slukket mens munken var i livet, men han ble deretter muligens slått til døde av politiet. En annen melding rapporterer at han fortsatt er i livet. Dette høres ut som om en større protest har funnet sted med munker og legfolk. Politi og militært personell har satt området under tett sikkerhet. I dag, den

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16. mars, er det tre år siden minst ti tibetanere ble skutt og drept under protestene som oppstod i Kirti-klosteret i 2008. Voice of Tibet sender denne historien på tibetansk og kinesisk, og vil oppdatere sin nettside om hendelsene. International Tibet Network er i kontakt med andre nyhetskilder for å få mer informasjon om hendelsene ved Kirti-klosteret.

Skriftlig melding fra Dalai Lama til det eksiltibetanske parlamentet

Message of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Fourteenth Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies
March 14th 2011

To the members of the Fourteenth Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies,

It is common knowledge that ancient Tibet, consisting of three provinces (Cholkha-sum) was ruled by a line of forty-two Tibetan kings beginning with Nyatri Tsenpo (127 BCE), and ending with Tri Ralpachen (838 CE). Their rule spanned almost one thousand years. During that time, Tibet was known throughout Inner Asia as a powerful nation, comparable in military power and political influence with Mongolia and China. With the development of Tibetan literature, the richness and breadth of the religion and culture of Tibet meant that its civilisation was considered second only to that of India.

Following the fragmentation of central authority in the 9th century, Tibet was governed by several rulers whose authority was limited to their respective fiefdoms. Tibetan unity weakened with the passage of time. In the early 13th century, both China and Tibet came under the control of Genghis Khan. Although Drogon Choegyal Phagpa restored the sovereignty of Tibet in the 1260s, and his rule extended across the three provinces, the frequent change of rulers under the Phagmo Drupas, Rinpungpas and Tsangpas over the next 380 years or so resulted in a failure to maintain a unified Tibet. The absence of any central authority and frequent internal conflicts caused Tibet’s political power to decline.

Since the Fifth Dalai Lama’s founding of the Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet in 1642, successive Dalai Lamas have been both the spiritual and temporal leaders of Tibet. During the reign of the Fifth Dalai Lama, all the 13 myriarchies or administrative districts of Tibet enjoyed political stability, Buddhism flourished in Tibet and the Tibetan people enjoyed peace and freedom.

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Tibet not only lacked adequate political governance, but also missed the opportunity to develop effective international relations. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama assumed temporal power in 1895, but was compelled to flee to Mongolia and China in 1904, due to the invasion of British forces, and to India in 1910, when the Manchu China invaded. Once circumstances allowed him to return to Tibet, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama re-asserted Tibetan sovereignty in 1913. As a result of what he had learned in exile, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama introduced modern education and made reforms to strengthen the government of Tibet. Although these steps produced positive results, he was unable to fulfil his overall vision, as is evident from his last political testament of 1932, the year before his death. Despite the lacklustre political leadership and short-comings of the regents and their administrations, the Ganden Phodrang Government has on the whole provided stable governance for the last four centuries.

Since I was young, I have been aware of an urgent need to modernize the Tibetan political system. At the age of sixteen, I was compelled to assume political leadership. At that time I lacked a thorough understanding of Tibet’s own political system, let alone international affairs.

However, I had a strong wish to introduce appropriate reforms in accordance with the changing times and was able to effect some fundamental changes. Unfortunately, I was unable to carry these reforms any further due to circumstances beyond my control.

Soon after our arrival in India in April 1959, we set up departments with Kalons (Ministers) in charge of education, preservation of culture and the rehabilitation and welfare of the community. Similarly, in 1960, aware of the importance of democratization, the first Commission of Tibetan People’s Deputies was elected and in 1963 we promulgated the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet.

No system of governance can ensure stability and progress if it depends solely on one person without the support and participation of the people in the political process. One man rule is both anachronistic and undesirable. We have made great efforts to strengthen our democratic institutions to serve the long-term interests of the six million Tibetans, not out of a wish to copy others, but because democracy is the most representative system of governance. In 1990, a committee was formed to draft the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and a year later the total strength of the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (ATPD), the Tibetans in exile’s highest law-making body, was increased. In 1991, the Eleventh ATPD formally adopted the Charter for Tibetans-in-Exile and assumed all legislative authority. Given the limitations of our life in exile these are achievements of which we can be proud.

In 2001, the Tibetan people elected the Kalon Tripa, the political leader, directly for the first time. Since then, I have been in semi-retirement, no longer involving myself in the day-to-day administration, but able to dedicate more time to general human welfare.

The essence of a democratic system is, in short, the assumption of political responsibility by elected leaders for the popular good. In order for our process of democratization to be complete, the time has come for me to devolve my formal authority to such an elected leadership. The general lack of experience and political maturity in our democratic institutions has prevented us from doing this earlier.

Given that the line of Dalai Lamas has provided political leadership for nearly four centuries, it might be difficult for Tibetans generally and especially those in Tibet to envisage and accept a political system that is not led by the Dalai Lama. Therefore, over the past 50 years I have tried in various ways to raise people’s political awareness and encourage their participation in our democratic process.

In my 10th March statement of 1969, for instance, I stated, “When the day comes for Tibet to be governed by its own people, it will be for the people to decide as to what form of government they will have. The system of governance by the line of the Dalai Lamas may or may not be there. In particular, the opinion of the forward-looking younger generation will be an influential factor.”

Similarly, in my 10th March statement of 1988, I stated, “As I have said many times, even the continuation of the institution of the Dalai Lama is for the people to decide.” Since the 1980s, I have repeatedly advised the Kashag, ATPD and the public that Tibetans should take full responsibility for the administration and welfare of the people as if the Dalai Lama were not there.

I informed the Chairman of the Thirteenth ATPD and the then Chief Justice Commissioner that I should be relieved of functions related to my political and administrative status, including such ceremonial responsibilities as the signing of bills adopted by the legislative body. However, my proposal was not even considered. On 31st August 2010, during the First Tibetan General Meeting (organized by ATPD), I explained this again in detail. Now, a decision on this important matter should be delayed no longer. All the necessary amendments to the Charter and other related regulations should be made during this session so that I am completely relieved of formal authority.

I want to acknowledge here that many of my fellow Tibetans, inside and outside Tibet, have earnestly requested me to continue to give political leadership at this critical time. My intention to devolve political authority derives neither from a wish to shirk responsibility nor because I am disheartened. On the contrary, I wish to devolve authority solely for the benefit of the Tibetan people in the long run. It is extremely important that we ensure the continuity of our exile Tibetan administration and our struggle until the issue of Tibet has been successfully resolved.

If we have to remain in exile for several more decades, a time will inevitably come when I will no longer be able to provide leadership. Therefore, it is necessary that we establish a sound system of governance while I remain able and healthy, in order that the exile Tibetan administration can become self-reliant rather than being dependent on the Dalai Lama. If we are able to implement such a system from this time onwards, I will still be able to help resolve problems if called upon to do so. But, if the implementation of such a system is delayed and a day comes when my leadership is suddenly unavailable, the consequent uncertainty might present an overwhelming challenge. Therefore, it is the duty of all Tibetans to make every effort to prevent such an eventuality.

As one among the six million Tibetans, bearing in mind that the Dalai Lamas have a special historic and karmic relationship with the Tibetan people, and as long as Tibetans place their trust and faith in me, I will continue to serve the cause of Tibet.

Although Article 31 of the Charter spells out provisions for a Council of Regency, it was formulated merely as an interim measure based on past traditions. It does not include provisions for instituting a system of political leadership without the Dalai Lama. Therefore, amendments to the Charter on this occasion must conform to the framework of a democratic system in which the political leadership is elected by the people for a specific term. Thus, all the necessary steps must be taken, including the appointment of separate committees, to amend the relevant Articles of the Charter and other regulations, in order that a decision can be reached and implemented during this very session.

As a result, some of my political promulgations such as the Draft Constitution for a Future Tibet (1963) and Guidelines for Future Tibet’s Polity (1992) will become ineffective. The title of the present institution of the Ganden Phodrang headed by the Dalai Lama should also be changed accordingly.

With my prayers for the successful proceedings of the house.

Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama

11th March 2011

Uttalelse fra Hans Hellighet Dalai Lama

10 March 2011 Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day Today marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising of 1959 against Communist China’s repression in the Tibetan capital Lhasa, and the third anniversary of the non-violent demonstrations that took place across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I would like to pay tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who sacrificed their lives for the just cause of Tibet. I express my solidarity with those who continue to suffer repression and pray for the well-being of all sentient beings. For more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived of freedom and living in fear and insecurity, have been able to maintain their unique Tibetan identity and cultural values. More consequentially, successive new generations, who have no experience of free Tibet, have courageously taken responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This is admirable, for they exemplify the strength of Tibetan resilience. This Earth belongs to humanity and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) belongs to its 1.3 billion citizens, who have the right to know the truth about the state of affairs in their country and the world at large. If citizens are fully informed, they have the ability to distinguish right from wrong. Censorship and the restriction of information violate basic human decency. For instance, China’s leaders consider the communist ideology and its policies to be correct. If this were so, these policies should be made public with confidence and open to scrutiny. China, with the world’s largest population, is an emerging world power and I admire the economic development it has made. It also has huge potential to contribute to human progress and world peace. But to do that, China must earn the international community’s respect and trust. In order to earn such respect China’s leaders must develop greater transparency, their actions corresponding to their words. To ensure this, freedom of expression and freedom of the press are essential. Similarly, transparency in governance can help check corruption. In recent years, China has seen an increasing number of intellectuals calling for political reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao has also expressed support for these concerns. These are significant indications and I welcome them. The PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, enriched by a diversity of languages and cultures. Protection of the language and culture of each nationality is a policy of the PRC, which is clearly spelt out in its constitution. Tibetan is the only language to preserve the entire range of the Buddha’s teachings, including the texts on logic and theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from India’s Nalanda University. This is a system of knowledge governed by reason and logic that has the potential to contribute to the peace and happiness of all beings. Therefore, the policy of undermining such a culture, instead of protecting and developing it, will in the long term amount to the destruction of humanity’s common heritage. The Chinese government frequently states that stability and development in Tibet is the foundation for the long-term well-being. However, the authorities still station large numbers of troops all across Tibet, increasing restrictions on the Tibetan people. Tibetans live in constant fear and anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals, public figures and environmentalists have been punished for articulating the Tibetan people’s basic aspiration. They have been imprisoned allegedly for “subverting state power” when actually they have been giving voice to the Tibetan identity and cultural heritage. Such repressive measures undermine unity and stability. Likewise, in China, lawyers defending people’s rights, independent writers and human rights activists have been arrested. I strongly urge the Chinese leaders to review these developments and release these prisoners of conscience forthwith. The Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet other than the personal privileges and status of the Dalai Lama. The reality is that the ongoing oppression of the Tibetan people has provoked widespread, deep resentment against current official policies. People from all walks of life frequently express their discontentment. That there is a problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authorities’ failure to trust Tibetans or win their loyalty. Instead, the Tibetan people live under constant suspicion and surveillance. Chinese and foreign visitors to Tibet corroborate this grim reality. Therefore, just as we were able to send fact-finding delegations to Tibet in the late 1970s and early 1980s from among Tibetans in exile, we propose similar visits again. At the same time we would encourage the sending of representatives of independent international bodies, including parliamentarians. If they were to find that Tibetans in Tibet are happy, we would readily accept it. The spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao’s leadership in the early 1950s led China to sign the 17-point agreement with Tibet. A similar spirit of realism prevailed once more during Hu Yaobang’s time in the early 1980s. If there had been a continuation of such realism the Tibetan issue, as well as several other problems, could easily have been solved. Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these policies. The result is that after more than six decades, the problem has become more intractable. The Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of Asia. Because it has the larges concentration of glaciers apart from the two Poles, it is considered to be the Third Pole. Environmental degradation in Tibet will have a detrimental impact on large parts of Asia, particularly on China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and local governments, as well as the Chinese public, should realise the degradation of the Tibetan environment and develop sustainable measures to safeguard it. I appeal to China to take into account the survival of people affected by what happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau. In our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have consistently pursued the mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach, which seeks genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the PRC. In our talks with officials of the Chinese government’s United Front Work Department we have clearly explained in detail the Tibetan

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people’s hopes and aspirations. The lack of any positive response to our reasonable proposals makes us wonder whether these were fully and accurately conveyed to the higher authorities. Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbours. It would be a mistake if our unresolved differences were to affect this age-old friendship. Special efforts are being made to promote good relations between Tibetans and Chinese living abroad and I am happy that this has contributed to better understanding and friendship between us. Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good relations with our Chinese brothers and sisters. In recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-violent struggles for freedom and democracy in various parts of North Africa and elsewhere. I am a firm believer in non-violence and people power and these events have shown once again that determined non-violent action can indeed bring about positive change. We must all hope that these inspiring changes lead to genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the peoples in these countries. One of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is the reform of Tibet’s political and social structure, and in the few years when I held effective power in Tibet, I managed to make some fundamental changes. Although I was unable to take this further in Tibet, I have made every effort to do so since we came into exile. Today, within the framework of the Charter of Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the political leadership, and the people’s representatives are directly elected by the people. We have been able to implement democracy in exile that is in keeping with the standards of an open society. As early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect. During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally propose that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal authority to the elected leader. Since I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest requests both from within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide political leadership. My desire to devolve authority has nothing to do with a wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the long run. It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such faith and trust in me that as one among them I am committed to playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust that gradually people will come to understand my intention, will support my decision and accordingly let it take effect. I would like to take this opportunity to remember the kindness of the leaders of various nations that cherish justice, members of parliaments, intellectuals and Tibet Support Groups who have been steadfast in their support for the Tibetan people. In particular, we will always remember the kindness and consistent support of the people and Government of India and State Governments for generously helping Tibetans preserve and promote their religion and culture and ensuring the welfare of Tibetans in exile. To all of them I offer my heartfelt gratitude. With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings. Dali Lama 10 March 2011 Dharamsala, India

Markering i Oslo av 10. mars

Markering i Oslo av 10.mars – tibetanernes opprørsdag 10. mars i år er det 52 år siden den store folkeoppstanden i Tibets hovedstad Lhasa rettet mot den kinesiske okkupasjonsmakten. Markering i Oslo av 10. mars 1959 Program for torsdag 10. mars 2011: Markering foran Kinas ambassade kl. 16.00 Markering foran Stortinget kl. 17.15-18.00 Appeller ved Den norske Tibet-komité Arrangement i Menneskerettighetshuset kl 18.30 Fotograf Erik

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Torjusen viser sin bildeutstilling fra Tibet, og forteller om sine reiser til Tibet. Torjussen var første gang i Tibet i mars 1989, og har senere reist rundt til store deler av landet, også områder som vanligvis ikke nås av utlendinger. Hans siste opphold var i 2009, tjue år etter hans første besøk. Torjussen vil fortelle om sine sterke opplevelser, inkludert den himmelske begravelsen, som er en helt spesiell tibetansk tradisjon. Det vil bli anledning til å se bildene fra Torjussens galleriutstilling i Menneskerettighetshuset. Vi håper at flest mulig vil delta, også de som ikke har anledning til å ta del i markeringen tidligere på dagen. Adresse: Menneskerettighetshuset, 5 etg, Kirkegata 5, 0153 Oslo Les også om markering i Tromsø

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ved utstilling.

Invitasjon til utstilling av Erik Torjusens bilder fra Tibet

I 2009 lot den norske forfatter og fotograf Erik Torjusen seg smugle inn i Tibet. Ut av denne reisen er det nylig blitt publisert en reisebok kalt “Tilbake til Tibet”. Nå skal Torjusen i tillegg dele sine visuelle minner i form av en bildeutstilling. Dette skjer i Oslo hvor Galleri Cornucopia i perioden 17. februar til 4. mars vil stille ut 22 av Torjusens bilder. I forbindelse med invitasjon til utstillingsåpning har kinesiske myndigheter forsøkt å hindre Torjusen i å publisere bokomtalen. Vi bringer den derfor i sin helhet her:

”Reiseskildringer fra Tibet er en mangelvare. Århundrer med isolasjon har gjort at denne mytiske fjellregionen nærmest har vært umulig å utforske. Fremdeles er det vanskelig. Kina, som annekterte Tibet i 1950, utøver beinhard kontroll, og det er strengt forbudt å reise her uten å være del av en myndighetskontrollert turistgruppe. I 1989 havnet Erik Torjusen i kryssilden mellom steinkastende tibetanere og tungt bevæpnet kinesisk politi. Militær unntakstilstand ble erklært, og forfatteren ble tvangsevakuert ut av Tibet. Til fots bar det over Himalaya-fjellene og ned til Nepal. Tjue år senere er han tilbake, smuglet inn på en buss mot Lhasa. I fem måneder

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oppholder forfatteren seg blant tibetanerne. Målet er å lære noe om det som skjuler seg bak det glorete glansbildet kineserne så demonstrativt viser Tibet-turister. Boken er som reisen; et usensurert og fritt møte med et fascinerende, lite folk som nekter å gjøre knefall for en monstrøs og egenrådig overmakt.”

Hjertelig velkommen til åpningen av utstillingen!

Videokonferanse mellom Dalai Lama og menneskerettighetaktivister i Kina

Dalai Lama snakker med

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kinesiske menneskerettighetaktivister i Kina, blant annet Teng Biao, og menneskerettigheteradvokat Jiang Tianyong, gjennom videokonferanse. Denne konferanse ble arrangert av den kjente kinesiske forfatteren Wang Lixong den 4. januar 2011. Transcript of Video-Conference with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Chinese Activists

Nobel fredsprisvinner Aung San Suu Kyi løslatt

MESSAGE from H.H. The Dalai Lama November 14th 2010

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I welcome the release of fellow Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and extend my appreciation to the military regime in Burma. I extend my full support and solidarity to the movement for democracy in Burma and take this opportunity to appeal to freedom-loving people all over the world to support such non-violent movements. I pray and hope that the government of the People’s Republic of China will release

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Tibetanske studenter protesterer mot utelukkende bruke av kinesisk i undervisningen

BEIJING — Tibetan students in western China marched in protest of unconfirmed plans to use the Chinese language exclusively in classes, teachers said Wednesday, an unusually bold challenge to authorities that reflects a deep unease over cultural marginalization. Students marched from school to school in the town of Tongren in Qinghai province on Tuesday chanting slogans against unconfirmed plans to supplant the use of Tibetan, the teachers said. The march ended by midday and classes resumed in the afternoon, said a teacher at the Huangnan Prefecture No. 1 Minorities High School in Tongren. The teacher, who refused to give his name out of fear of retaliation by authorities, said about 300 students from the school had participated in the march. The London-based group Free Tibet and U.S. broadcaster Radio Free Asia said students from six different schools joined in the march with estimates of the total number of participants ranging from 1,000 to 7,000. Fuzzy video of the march posted to the Internet showed students, many of them in school uniform, marching alongside Tibetan monks. A teacher at the Huangnan Prefecture No. 2 Minorities High School said classes had resumed on Wednesday. The teacher, who identified himself only by his surname, Xu, said about 90 students took part. The teachers said police did not intervene in the march and school administrators did not plan to punish participants. “The students marched peacefully. Their only demand was for continued use of their mother tongue,” said the No. 1 High School teacher. The schools use Mandarin and Tibetan alongside each other and both teachers said they had seen no official orders to switch

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entirely to Chinese. However, they said rumors and unconfirmed reports of a planned change in policy had been spreading among students and faculty and no clarification had been offered by education authorities. Calls to the prefectural government, its education bureau, and the government spokesman’s office all rang unanswered on Wednesday. Traditionally Tibetan areas such as Tongren that lie outside the official Tibetan Autonomous Region were sealed off following widespread anti-government rioting in the spring of 2008. Scores were arrested and a crackdown waged against Buddhist monasteries and other repositories of Tibetan tradition. They remain among China’s most restive regions and a notice posted on the No. 1 High School’s website contained an unusually detailed reminder of faculty responsibility for maintaining stability on campus, including discouraging the spread of rumors and boosting “identification with the motherland.” Many Tibetans argue they have traditionally been self-governing and that Chinese policies are wrecking their traditional culture. China defends those policies, saying they aim to spur economic growth in the largely poor areas and better integrate them with China proper. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/10/20/AR2010102000451.html